One opposition MP, who asked not to be identified, put it more bluntly.

“Ninety-nine per cent of these young people on the street have no clue how the ministry of defence is operating, how the general staff is operating,” he said.

“They think Fedorov is good because he wants to fight with drones and Syrskyi was bad because he was looking for people to fight. It’s a dramatic simplification which is totally wrong.”

But understandable, perhaps, in a country exhausted by 12 years of war with Russia. Who would not want to believe that drones and robots can do the job, rather than a member of your own family, roughly conscripted on the streets of your own hometown?

Everyone agrees that Ukraine needs to put this politically toxic episode behind it before summer gives way to autumn and the country braces itself for another Russian assault on its energy grid.

“We need to prepare for how we will get through the winter,” Zelensky said on the Telegram messaging app on Thursday.

Politicians and experts interviewed for this piece mostly agree that while the political damage of this episode continues to undermine President Zelensky’s authority and reputation, Ukraine is unlikely to experience significant setbacks on the battlefield.

What Zelensky calls his “long-range sanctions” campaign against Russia is in full swing, causing mounting damage to the Russian economy.

Ukraine’s long front lines, meanwhile, remain largely static, thanks to a 15-30km (9-18-mile) wide “kill zone” where anything or anyone who moves is observed and attacked by drones.

As a young, still relatively immature democracy, Ukraine’s institutions have been put under colossal strain by Russia’s full-scale invasion. But, many argue, the country remains resilient and resourceful.

“The secret of Ukraine’s success is that we are much stronger horizontally than vertically,” opposition MP Andrii Osadchuk told me.

“I hope the damage will be minimal.”